Obamacare, Will it Stick?

Obamacare, Will it Stick?

Obamacare, Will it Stick?

By: Cliff Smith

After looking dead on arrival several times, President Obama, Nancy Pelosi and Company are trying to pass Obamacare again.  Their only path is to pass it with a bare minimum in the House and, after losing their supermajority in the Senate because of the election of Scott Brown, to rewrite the Senate rules for “reconciliation,” which allows a simple majority to pass legislation. 

The Senate already passed a health bill on Christmas Eve.  But there were too many sticking points with the bill for it to clear a vote in the House.  A plausible scenario exists in which the Senate might push a few amendments through reconciliation to pacify House concerns, short-circuiting usual procedures, particularly for a bill of this scope.  This approach would certainly spark anger across the aisle and controversy across the country.

The public opposes Obamacare in every poll taken, sometimes by a margin of 3 to 1.  The legislation has no Republican support and there is widespread bipartisan opposition to it in the House.  No program of this size and importance has ever passed without widespread bipartisan support.  Nonetheless, the Democrats seem hell bent on doing so and have large majorities in both Houses of Congress and control of the White House.  So if they can get their troops in line, they will have the numbers to pass Obamacare.

The opposition zeal among Congress and the public is consolidating a major movement for repeal of the legislation if it passes by bare majorities.  Republican Sen. Lamar Alexander, hardly a partisan bomb-thrower, recently endorsed such a movement. 

But liberal Democrats pushing the legislation don’t seem too concerned.  They believe that once the bill is passed, it will gain popularity and develop its own constituency to protect it.  Like other government social programs, once people rely on it, they will defend it and not let it undergo significant changes or repeal.  Many right-leaning pundits seem to agree.  “Once government infiltrates, it rarely retreats,” says David Harsanyi of the Denver Post.

Repealing Obamacare is far from a sure bet.  Romneycare in Massachusetts is not popular and Tenncare in Tennessee was such a disaster that it was repealed with the help of a Democratic Governor.  Nonetheless, under normal circumstances with normal legislation, I would agree with those that see repeal as unrealistic.  The federal government doesn’t have to balance the budget the way states do and the constituency for a national program is generally more powerful than a state constituency.  President Reagan couldn’t even get rid of the Department of Education when it was only a couple of years old.

But these are not normal circumstances and this is not normal legislation.  Passing Obamacare under the current circumstances could backfire, creating a repeal movement that could destroy the Democratic Party.  The key difference between Obamacare and other major programs that have been implemented, besides the lack of bipartisan support, is that Obamacare’s benefits will not be realized until four years after the taxes and Medicare cuts have begun.  The pain starts before the pleasure. 

Thus, a strong protection constituency is highly unlikely in the four years after Obamacare’s passage.  Instead, public opposition is likely to increase as people are taxed for benefits they aren’t receiving.  So, what is boils down to, is even if the bill gets passed, Republicans will be able to run against Obamacare for two election cycles before it actually gets implemented.

It’s not totally clear how the Republicans will do in the upcoming midterm elections, but they are widely expected to do well.  The estimates range from the picking up anywhere from 15 to 65 seats in the House and 3 to 10 seats in the Senate.  Assume that Republicans perform somewhere in the middle.  Perhaps Republicans gain 6 Senate seats and 32 House seats.  They will remain 3 seats short of a majority in the Senate and 8 seats short in the House.  

Assuming that happens, Republicans will be favored to take over the Senate in 2012.  This is because Republicans had horrible cycles for the Senate in both 2000 and 2006, so they will have very few seats that are vulnerable compared to a large number of Democrat seats that are likely to be vulnerable.  At present, there are no more than four Republican seats that have a realistic chance of being vulnerable in the 2012 cycle but there are 14 Democratic seats that realistically may be vulnerable. 

That certainly gives the Republicans a very realistic shot to gain control of the Senate, regardless of what happens in House elections or the race for the White House.  Prior to the new precedent being set with regard to reconciliation, repealing Obamacare would require 60 votes in the Senate.  But if the Democrats are going to use reconciliation to pass the bill, the Republicans can certainly use reconciliation to repeal it.

Of course, Republicans will also have to win a few more House seats and also win the next presidential election in order to ultimately repeal Obamacare.  It is likely that control of the House will fall with whatever party wins the Presidency.  At this time, such Republican victories are obviously far from certain. 

But consider what the Democrats will have given the Republicans to use against them!  Before the benefits take effect, the public will be paying taxes and seniors will endure cuts in Medicare for a program they opposed by a wide margin – yet was passed by the narrowest possible margins!  I imagine any Republican presidential nominee would be happy to run on a platform of “Elect me and my Republican allies in Congress this term, and we’ll repeal this bill that you didn’t want and refund the taxes you’ve been paying for a benefit you haven’t gotten.”  This is not a difficult message to sell and I predict it will be one with potency.

The long and the short of it is that the Democrats may well be fighting for an illusory victory that lacks a firm foundation. They are overextending in order to win and are putting themselves in a bad position to defend their gains and in so doing may be greatly weakening their future prospects.

Is it a complicated path to repeal the bill?  Yes.  But it’s significantly less complicated than Democrats’ path to pass the bill.  And the Democrats don’t have the public on their side.

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About the Author

Cliff Smith A Seattle, Washington native, Cliff Smith worked for the House Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Senate Committee on Finance. He also worked on numerous campaigns in his home state. Cliff holds a law degree from Catholic University, a Master's in Public Policy from Pepperdine and a BA from Washington State.