Burroughs: Palin Hatred

Burroughs: Palin Hatred

Burroughs: Palin Hatred

For the past few days, I’ve been fascinated by the sudden barrage of editorials explaining why liberals detest Sarah Palin.

Though root causes of Palin-hatred are hotly debated in these editorials, none deny that liberals are having this visceral reaction to Palin. It’s too apparent to refute, I suppose. Still, their query seems a tad misplaced. For though these stories appear to explain the “Palin phenomena,” they’re really about the nascent Tea Party movement. It’s not Palin that so confounds these writers. It’s you.

Mocked and belittled, Palin is merely a stand-in for Tea Partiers or conservative populists. She’s the de-facto leader of the leaderless populists because the media needed someone in that role. They needed a person they could plausibly coronate with a leader-like status. An interviewee. And Palin fit their needs — she’s popular, populist, and vocal.

If Palin-hatred is a hatred for populists focused onto the person of Palin, then, by extension, elitist mockery of populists is a barely disguised disdain for ordinary Americans. The left-leaning media takes the “elitist” side, with Obama as Commander In Chief. On the other side are conservative Americans, itinerant and worried, but still unwilling and unable to accept Palin as their leader. Thus, Palin v. media is actually populists v. elitists — a classic sociological conflict.

But Palin isn’t the leader of the Tea Partiers for they don’t have a leader. Conservative populist movements, by definition, are leaderless. No one can claim the mantle of leadership, even those who jump in front of the populist parade. Palin, smartly, refused to rush to the front during last week’s Tea Party Convention in Nashville, Tennessee. In her keynote speech, Palin claimed to be “a big supporter of this movement,” but not its leader. The movement, she cautioned, should remain “leaderless,” and undefined by any one person.

Liberal populist movements, in contrast, require a charismatic figurehead, such as the iconic Che Gueverra, whose image has been merchandized on the t-shirts worn by young wannabe Marxists who don’t realize, or perhaps care, that the image of their rebellious hero has been co-opted by the capitalist forces they hate. The irony is delicious. Even Obama was a “community organizer,” a paid fomenter of urban protest movements that never quite succeeded.

From the outside, a leaderless movement looks chaotic and untenable. And it is. I’ve been to several tea parties in Arizona. There’s no organization. None. People bring signs, usually homemade, and mill around aimlessly. Someone starts a chant. Others may follow … or may not. The point is just to be there. To stand with other like-minded populists. To acknowledge their growing numbers.

But as protestors, tea partiers are pathetic. I would have thought they’d get better at the disruptive thing, but they remain quiescent. Some of the older, ex-sixties radicals, occasionally try to get conservative populists riled up, but it always fails. They’re just too conservative. For them, protesting is uncivil. As one older woman said to me, “Isn’t protesting what the other side is doing?”

Perhaps. But protesting is essential to populism, though it takes many forms. Without an oppressive elite, populist protest seems meaningless. It’s equally meaningless, however, not to protest.

Tea partiers feel put upon. With protest, they’re defining their boundaries, as if drawing a line in the sand over which no elitist can step. The impetus of populism is the conclusion that elitists have overstepped their boundaries. Pushing back is their recourse. Thus, protest.

Protest, though, can be negative, that is, it can pull back rather than push back. One such negative protest is “Going Galt,” a phrase that takes its name from a character in Ayn Rand’s famous dystopic novel, Atlas Shrugged. This form of protest starves elitists of power and money by refusing to work diligently … for them. A Tea Partier who goes Galt, lets land lay fallow, earning just enough to get by. Since less money is made, fewer taxes are paid. “Going Galt,” then, is a form of protest that weighs the joy of prosperity with that of denying elitists, finding the latter more morally weighty.

Though intuitive, ordinary people have a sense of the law of diminishing marginal returns. They know when they’re being screwed. When they get to that point, they wisely stop working. But that’s not “Going Galt,” for naturally, conservatives are busy little beavers who would continue working in spite of decreasing financial reward. They’d keep producing. Perhaps it’s their internalized work-ethic, or maybe just the competitive desire to be better than one’s neighbors. Whatever the cause, when populists “Go Galt,” they stop working because they want to starve elitists. They want to take away their power. Cut them down to size. In their estimation, elitists are subsidized by their hard labor. So they stop.

When I first saw a “Who is John Galt” sign at a Phoenix tea party last summer, I remembered the character in Rand’s novel, and even the phrase, but couldn’t figure out the connection between John Galt and contemporary conservative populism. Now I think I understand, though through a glass darkly. Galt is a symbol of revolution and protest, a lonely cri de coeur of one man against the machine. But that solitary protest – the one among many – both defines conservative populism and explains its leaderless-ness. For solitude – Going Galt – doesn’t mesh well with mass protest. The thousands of solitary populists, standing alone, holding hand-made signs, only make sense if viewed through the prism of individualism, self-reliance and, of course, a populist revolt against elitists.

The left will never understand the solitude of a conservative populist.

They’ll never understand how conservative populists stand side-by-side, without being led.

They’ll never understand that populists want boundaries, with the sense of space and equity that only a small government makes possible.

They’ll never understand that at some point, ordinary Tea Partiers will simply stop working, protesting by what they don’t do, and not by what they do.

And they’ll certainly never understand that Sarah Palin is just one populist among many, not a leader.

Kristen Burroughs is a candidate for the House of Representatives in LD7. An educator, her doctorate and graduate degrees are from the University of Chicago and Yale University.

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